COP30 will take place in Brazil in 2025. Human right policies in light of climate change will need to be part of the discussion.
After much classic COP debate, COP29 will be taking place in Azerbaijan, another repressive petrostate.
Following on from COP28, the following issues will be picked up:
COP28 ended with a (criticised) acknowledgment that a transition away from fossil fuels was needed.
This acknowledgment is the first of its kind, but loopholes still allow continued use. One wonders if that has something to do with the host being an authoritarian petrostate reliant on fossil fuel? Global temps are nearing 1.5C warming. Can the world afford loopholes?
It was discussed that the UNFCCC needs conflict of interest policies to limit fossil fuel influence to ensure a just transition. Which leads us on to the location of COP29…
A historic decision is made as an agreement is made to provide vulnerable countries with loss and damage funding. There is huge growth in attention from both the global media and citizens alike as the COP-27 President puts emphasis on personal and business accountability and commitments to sustainability. He speaks to “every corner of human activity” to focus on the 1.5°C goal.
The first post-Covid COP. The focus was on securing more ambitious emissions reduction commitments and finalising the Paris rulebook and keeping the 1.5c limit alive. Frustrations amount around loss-and-damage once again as participants feel it is a never ending discussion without an agreeable solution.
Negotiations run over by two days due to the second review of the Warsaw International Mechanism. Demands for new and additional finance from developed countries are resisted.
Focused on completing the Paris Agreement rulebook, in particular on reporting and accounting of emissions.
Despite its location, COP-23 has a Fijian President. Naturally, ‘loss and damage’ is a key topic covering risk management, compensation and insurance issues for developing and vulnerable countries. Developed countries resist and the parties settle on the ‘Suva expert dialogue’, a function to help keep discussion going on the issues developing and vulnerable countries are focused on.
Almost as soon as the US joined the Paris agreement, Donald Trump was elected President and concerns were in the air about the world’s largest historical carbon emitter leaving the agreement. COP-22 proceeds with a review of the Warsaw International Mechanism which had been established 3 years prior.
Finalised details of the famous Paris Agreement, including mitigation goals, adaptation, loss and damage, finance, and transparency. The Paris Agreement is a legally binding international treaty on climate change. The US joined the Paris Agreement in September 2016 after not participating actively until then due to having its own laws passed by Congress to cut carbon emissions.
A draft text was decided on which was to be used as a basis for negotiations leading up to the December 2015 Paris summit. Agreement was then reached on what information countries must share as they prepare their national climate action plans beyond 2020.
The G77 and China led 132 poor countries in a walk-out during talks about “loss and damage” compensation for the consequences of global warming. The ‘Warsaw Mechanism’ was proposed, which would provide expertise, and possibly aid, to developing nations to cope with loss and damage from such natural extremities as heatwaves, droughts and floods and threats such as rising sea levels and desertification.
Large emitters of carbon including the US, Japan, Russia and Canada make it clear they will not commit to further emissions cuts under the Kyoto Protocol. The Like-Minded Developing Countries (LMDC) group is formed to focus on the historical obligation of developed countries for climate change.
The ‘Durban Platform’ was launched to negotiate a new comprehensive legally binding agreement and members discussed the next commitment period for The Kyoto Protocol.
This COP established a $100 billion annual Green Climate Fund for developing nations. There was discussion between the parties on transparency and accountability.
The goal for COP-15 was to achieve binding successor agreement to Kyoto Protocol. However, disagreements resulted in a weaker Copenhagen Accord.
Since 1990, the ‘Alliance of Small Island States’ has represented the interests of 39 small island and low-lying coastal developing states in international climate change, sustainable development negotiations and processes. During COP-14, AOSIS makes another significant loss-and-damage intervention which proposes a mechanism to provide insurance, risk management and compensation for more at-risk countries.
Introduction of the ‘Bali Action Plan’ which focuses on disaster reduction strategies and the resulting loss and damage of such occurrences.
This focused on reducing climate change’s adverse effects and promoting the undertaking of clean technology projects in Africa and other poor regions.
The first Canada based COP was spent implementing the Kyoto Protocol and creating the Montreal Action Plan to support developing nations.
The Buenos Aires programme of work on adaptation and response measures is introduced and accepted which means help for developing countries to tackle climate change. But there’s compromises. Any help offered to developing countries has to be matched by helping countries whose fossil fuel industries are threatened by climate action. During COP-10, after several years of uncertainty, Russia ratified the Kyoto Protocol, pushing Kyoto over the 55% threshold needed for activation.
The link between climate change and sustainable development is tightened, in follow-up to the Delhi Declaration adopted at COP 8. Progress achieved in developing the CDM afforestation and reforestation guidelines. (The CDM allows emission-reduction projects in developing countries to earn certified emission reduction (CER) credits, each equivalent to one tonne of CO2)
The Kyoto Protocol included a complex ratification process before it could enter into force. Specifically, the agreement required approval from nations responsible for at least 55% of the developed world’s 1990 carbon dioxide emissions. With the United States (36.1% of developed world emissions) and Australia refusing to ratify, Russia’s participation became critical. Holding a 17% share of global emissions in 1990, Russia had the power to delay the ratification process.
United States delegation maintained its observer role, declining to participate actively in the negotiations. Marrakech Accords contain a decision to consider “insurance-related actions” to meet developing countries’ needs.
Dutch Environment Minister Jan Pronk presides over the conference. With climate change dominating headlines, public awareness and media coverage of the COP negotiations is higher than ever before. Minister Pronk seizes the opportunity to highlight Article 6 of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, which deals with education, training, and public awareness. He stresses the importance of informing the public about the science and impacts of climate change, as well as actions individuals and communities can take to reduce emissions. Pronk’s efforts shine a spotlight on the critical role education and communication play in galvanising climate action.
German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder noted that, despite the establishment of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, there have been setbacks in the climate process, including the inability of most industrialised countries to reduce their CO2 emissions to 1990 levels by the year 2000.
Introduced a 2-year plan to advance efforts for implementing the Kyoto Protocol, to be completed by 2000. During the conference, Argentina and Kazakhstan expressed their commitment to take on the greenhouse gas emissions reduction obligation, the first two non-Annex countries to do so.
Finalising and adopting one of the more well known outcomes of COP, the Kyoto Protocol. This involved setting legally binding emissions targets. The Kyoto Protocol commits industrialised countries and economies to limit greenhouse gas emissions according to specific, agreed targets. Only developed countries are bound by this agreement and its targets due to their historically higher emissions.
The scientific findings on climate change were accepted at this COP. There was also a call for "legally binding mid-term targets" on emissions which would hold countries accountable for their outputs.
The very first COP was focused on establishing the Berlin Mandate and discussing emissions reduction goals for developed nations